Yesterday, the chancellor, Rachel Reeves, delivered a Labour economic plan. The public have been asking for Labour’s mission and values to be more clearly articulated. By way of the decisions made – a transition to a fairer tax system, targeting wealth to fund addressing child poverty, quality public services and the cost of living – we have clearly demonstrated what we stand for.
This is why Labour MPs applauded in the Commons, and it’s why we are up for the fights to come. And it’s why the cries from the right began right away.
The central division in British politics is yet again on the economy. On the one hand Labour, who aim to reform it so it helps everyday working people, and on the other, our political opponents, who favor the status quo and the unsuccessful doctrine of the past. We must now take on, and prevail in, the debate.
The Tories were given 14 years to resolve things and instead, by every standard, they got far more dire. Their ideological austerity and trickle-down economics – tax cuts for the wealthy, reducing investment (causing us with poor productivity and wages), and failing to support young people post-Covid – proved ineffective.
Quality of life fell by the biggest amount since records began, child poverty hit record levels, NHS waiting lists in England were the highest they’ve ever been, wages remained flat, a housing crisis became entrenched, young people affected by Covid were abandoned. The history of failure continues.
A single budget alone can’t put all this right, so Labour has a long-term plan for renewal and for restructuring the country. And we have to go out and keep making the case for why our approach will reap dividends.
Under the Tories, welfare spending significantly increased. As did child poverty, because they failed to tackle the root causes: low pay, high housing costs, significant inequalities in education, health and regions. The state ends up paying more to deal with the effects instead of the solution.
It’s why we are constructing more social housing than for a generation, increasing wages and new rights for workers, greatly increasing investment in infrastructure and new industries, getting waiting lists down and lowering the costs of childcare and energy as we pursue clean power.
It’s also why we are absolutely right to use this budget to remove the two-child benefit cap.
For almost a decade, since it was introduced, low-income families with children have endured from a unjust social experiment that was branded as fair for working people when it was the opposite. Most of the families affected by it have a parent in work.
It has only served to push 300,000 more children into poverty – which, in the end, costs us more, as well as being callous and immoral.
From experience from my own district – where over 5,000 children will be raised out of poverty as a result of abolishing the cap – the actual impact it’s had. Children wearing low-cost wellies as school shoes, children going to bed hungry and cold, living in cramped, damp homes, parents this Christmas relying on food banks for a simple meal or small gift for their kids.
I also see the impact on schools, teachers, social workers, doctors and charities who are already overburdened but have to redirect time and resources to supporting children who are living with the results of severe deprivation.
Just a quarter of pupils from the poorest families achieve five good GCSEs, compared with nearly three in four among affluent families. This sets them up for the disadvantages they face during their lives: unrealized potential, economic struggles and poor health. Children who were raised in poverty are more likely to be jobless or poor as adults.
Confronting child poverty isn’t just a moral imperative, it is a future-oriented strategy. Poverty costs the economy significantly more than the three billion pound cost of removing the two-child cap, or expanding free school meals.
This is the reason we acted promptly in the budget, despite the challenging economic context. Every day with this cap in place sees over a hundred additional children pushed into poverty. The effects of lifting it will not occur overnight either, so acting early in the parliament was crucial.
The cap was a totem to 14 years of unsuccessful rightwing ideology. Now it is abolished.
We, as Labour, can also be clear that these measures are being paid for in a fair way – from a new gaming tax, eliminating tax loopholes and a new “mansion tax”.
Equity and direction – that’s how we will succeed in the battle of ideas. This budget is a clear statement that we gained the election as Labour, and will lead as Labour. As I consistently said during my campaign to become deputy leader, we must seize back the political megaphone and define the narrative more strongly about what’s truly flawed with the country and how we are repairing it. We’ve definitely done that this week.
So let’s maintain it and win this struggle about how we will rebuild Britain and tackle the entrenched inequalities holding us back.
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